Minseki registers, 1868-1945

The nation defined as demographic territory

By William Wetherall

First posted 1 June 2021
Last updated 23 July 2021


"Minseki" population registers From Tokugawa to Meiji 1895 Minseki households and populations 1920 National census by kokuseki and minseki 1930 National census by minseki and kokuseki
"Minseki" as "subnationality" Belonging to Naichi, Taiwan, Karafuto, and Chōsen as different legal territories of Japan
Commemorating Japan's 1920 census 3-volume commemorative publication Jinmu and Meiji 1920 shokuminchi 540 kikajin
1853-1876 International Statistical Congresses 1872 International determinations 12 essential items 9 discretional items
1920 census enforcement order Minseki & kokuseki on census forms Commemorative postcards Commemorative stamps Sources

Related articles
1872 Family Register Law: Japan's first "law of the land"
The Interior: The legal cornerstone of the Empire of Japan
Belonging in Japan past and Present: Before and after "nationality" and "citizenship"
Affiliation and status in Korea: 1909 People's Register Law and enforcement regulations
Affiliation and status in Manchoukuo: 1940 Provisional People's Register Law and enforcement regulations


Minseki

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Minseki in late Tokugawa and early Meiji

"Minseki" as a term that probably means "jinmin koseki" can be found in Great Council of State records predating the promulgation of the Family Register Law in 1871.

"minseki" and "kokumin"

in Yuasa Tadanori's Kōeki jukujiten, 1874-1875

Images copped and cropped from
国立国会図書館デジタルコレクション
National Diet Library Digital Collections

Pages read right-to-left, entries read top-to-bottom, right-to-left
Transliterations, literations, and translations are mine
Note differences in graph and kana editions

Yuasa 1875, kana-look-up edition

Yuasa 1874, graph-look-up edition

Yuasa 1875

民籍 minseki (common) people register
namahe chau (namae chō)
名前帳 name ledger
Yuasa 1875, kana-look-up edition, page 170b

Yuasa 1874

民籍 minseki (common) people register
tami no na wo shirushita chaumen (chōmen)
民の名を記した帳面 ledger recording names of people
Yuasa 1974, graph-look-up edition, page 132b

Yuasa 1875

國民 kokumin nationals
kuni no morobito
国の諸人 all people in the country
Yuasa 1875, kana-look-up edition, page 126b

1874 Koeki

國民 kokumin nationals
Nihon no tami
日本の民 (common) people of Japan
Yuasa 1974, graph-look-up edition, page 056b

1932 Daikaigen

minseki jinmin no kokō wo shirabe kishitaru chōbo
minseki register [for] examining and recording
the households and populations of the people
Sourced to late 11th-century Chinese RESUME Ōtsuki Fumihiko, Daigenkai, 1932, Vol 4, page 517
Image copped and cropped from
National Diet Library Digital Collections
国立国会図書館デジタルコレクション

Kotobank

minseki (1) kokuseki, (2) heimin no zokuseki,
heiminseki, (3) jinmin no kokō no chōbo
people register (1) nationality, (2) clan register (status) of commoners,
(3) ledger of households and populations of the people Captured from Kotobank.jp (コトバンク), 15 March 2021

Minseki population registers

"Minseki" as demographic territorial affiliation

The 1871 Family Register Law calls the registers in which people considered "jinmin" or "kokumin" or "shinmin" were to be enrolled as "koseki" (戸籍) -- meaning a "household" or "family" register. However, the term "minseki" (民籍) -- meaning an "affiliate register" -- was also used in Japan at the time to describe a population register.

The term "minseki" can be seen in the notice of change of registration status that appears immediately before the text of the Family Register Law, as follows (see image above).

森岡縣士族小山田治六脱籍に付庶民に下シ民籍ニ編入
Morioka prefecture gentry (shizoku 士族) Oyamada Jiroku, on account of leaving (dropping from) his [shizoku] register (dasseki 脱籍), is lowered to [the status of] commoner (shomin 庶民) and enrolled in a [general, ordinary] population register (minseki 民籍).

The distinction being made here is between registers for the pedigreed classes -- "nobility" (kazoku 華族) and [former samurai] "gentry" (shizoku 士族) -- and "commoners" (shomin 庶民) or "ordinary people" (heimin 平民), meaning everyone else. The term "min" means "people" in the sense of ordinary folk affiliated with an entity such as a village or country, or a vocation such as agriculture or hunting.

It is clear here that "minseki" was in use before the promulgation and enforcement of the 1871 Family Register Law. In fact, it goes back to at least the 11th century in China. See Belonging in Japan past and present in the "Nationality" section for details.

The term "ippan minseki" (一般民籍) -- meaning "general affiliate (peoples) register" was used in Grand Council of State Proclamation 429 of Meiji 4-8-28 (12 October 1871), which stipulated that "eta, hinin and such" -- appellations abrogated by Proclamation No. 428 of the same date -- were to be enrolled in general population registers as "commoners" (heimin 平民). Proclamation No. 115 of Meiji 4-4-9 (15 April 1872)

The expression "jinmin koseki" (人民戸籍) also appears in the 1871 Family Register Law. My hunch -- which I am unable to substantiate at this time -- is that "minseki" is a reduction of "jinmin koseki" -- at least in cases when the "people" (jinmin 人民) were enrolled in registers by household (戸籍), which generally referred to a dwelling with an address.

"Jinmin koseki" also appears in the title of at least one contemporary guide for people engaged in the registration business -- the equivalent of today's judicial scrivener (shihō shoshi 司法書士), who are authorized to prepare and at times file legal documents related to civil matters such as household registration, inheritance, conservatorships, naturalization, and real estate transactions and title transfers and the like. See Meiji-era household registration handbooks below for examples.

The term "minseki" (民籍) generally refers a civil register (seki 籍) of affiliates (min 民) of a country or territory. To the extent that such registers embrace the entire population of a country's affilites -- and to the extent that a country's affiliates are enrolled in household registers -- "minseki" and "koseki" are synynomous with other and tantamount to "kokuseki" (kokuseki 国籍) in the sense of "nationality", though of the three terms are used differently. Otherwise, "minseki" signifies only the civil population (household) registers of a legal territory.

1874 Kōeki jukujiten definitions of "kokumin" and "minseki"

The images to the right show "minseki" defined in both the graph-look-up (1874) and kana-look-up (1875) editions of Yuasa Tadayoshi's Kōeki jukujiten (廣広熟字典), a dictionary of Sino-Japanese compounds published a couple of years after the family register law came into effect in 1872. The definitions, while not rigorous, suggest that the term refers to a register of common people as "affiliates" (min 民) of an administrative territory.

For a complete discription of the dictionary, and numerous examples of several other terms, see Belonging in Japan past and present in the the same "Nationality" section.

"Minseki" in Japan's early population reports

"Minseki" was the key word in the title of some population reports like Nihon Teikoku minseki kokō hyō (日本帝国民籍戸口表) "Japan Empire minseki household and population tables", published in 1895 (Meiji 28) by the Family Register Section (Kosekika 戸籍課) of the Police Bureau (Keihokyoku 警保局) of the Ministry of Interior Affairs (Naimushō 内務省). The bureau was established on 28 August 1872 in the Ministry of Justice ( Shihōshō 司法省), migrated to the Ministry of Interior Affairs on 9 January 1874, and operated until the Interior Ministry was dissolved by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces on 31 December 1947. The bureau's responsibilities included overseeing the enforcement of the Family Register Law and administration of the family (household) registration system, which are now under the oversight and control of municipal government offices.

"Minseki" in Korea and Chōsen

"Minseki" was used by the Korean and Japanese authors of the Empire of Korea's 1909 People's Register Law (民籍法 K. Minjŏkpŏp, J. Minsekihō). This law enabled the implementation of Korea's first comprehensive nationwide household registration system. It remained in force after Korea was annexed by Japan as Chōsen in 1910. Chōsen's houshold register system was gradually, but never entirely, Interiorized. It accommodated many features of Interior family law while retaining some elements of Chōsen family law. For example, from 1940, Chōsen's family registration system required Interior like sharing of a single family name by all members of the same family, but registers continued to record individual family clan names and their origins, which Chosenese continued to value when it came to marriage and adoption.

"Minseki" in national censuses

"Minseki" was used within the Empire of Japan to refer to the population register systems of the 4 legal territories that comprised its sovereign dominion -- Interior, Taiwan, Karafuto, and Chōsen. National censuses from 1920 to 1945 reported breakdowns of Japan's population by minseki and nationality (kokuseki 国籍). Japanese were broken down by minseki, and foreigners -- meaning people who do not possess Japan's nationality -- were broken down by nationality. Both breakdowns were based on a person's "honseki" (principle domicile register) status -- registration within one of Japan's territories, or within the territory of another country. Aliens were deemed (as a legal fiction) to have a honseki in another country, which made them a national of the country. People with no nationality were stateless aliens.

See examples of census classifications immediate below.

"Minseki" in Manchoukuo

"Minseki" was used by the Manchoukuoan and Japanese authors of the Empire of Manchoukuo's 1940 Provisional People's Register Law (暫行民籍法 WG Chanhsing minchifa, PY Zanxing minjifa, SJ Zankō minsekihō). The enabled the first nationwide household population registration system in the country.

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Naimushō Keihokyoku Kosakika 1896

Meiji 28-12-31 Nihon Teikoku minseki kokō hyō

[ 31 December 1895 Tables of Imperial Japan
people's register households and populations ]

Yosha Bunko scans

Click on text images to enlarge

Naimusho 1895 Colophon (15 December 1896 publication) Naimusho 1895 Cover (31 December 1885 datum)
Naimusho 1895 Table of contents (2) Naimusho 1895 Table of contents (1)
Naimusho 1895 Page 10
Before Table 2 (right) -- Movements (status migrations)
Table 2 (left) -- Rural & urban by region & province
Naimusho 1895 Page 1
Table 1 -- General figures
Households, and populations by sex, status, and years lived
Naimusho 1895 Page 69
Table 4 -- Births
By legal circumstances of child's birth,
plus rates of birth per 100 population
Naimusho 1895 Page 64
Table 3 -- Household populations by province
Honseki and actual residence populations,
plus average persons per household
Naimusho 1895 Page 78
Table 7 -- Populations by status and prefecture
Domicile of head and family by status and sex,
abandoned children and unregistered people,
plus average persons per household
Naimusho 1895 Page 76
Table 6 -- Late notifications and other actions
Additions -- late reports of death et cetera
Deletions -- late reports of death et cetera
Migrations from and to foreign registers

1895 Minseki households and populations

Who was born, who died, and who resided where,
double registration, unregistered persons,
migrations to and from foreign registers,
late registration, abandoned children,
by sex, age, and lineage status

内務省警保局戸籍課
明治二十八年十二月卅一日調
日本帝国民籍戸口表

[東京府東京市] 京橋區:注愛社 [印刷所]
明治廿九年十二月十三日印刷
明治廿九年十二月十五日發行
2 (目次)、128 (表)、1 (奥付け)

Naimushō Keihokyoku Kosekika
[ Interior Ministry, Police Bureau, Family Register Department ]
Meiji 28-nen 12-gatsu 31-nichi chō
Nihon Teikoku minseki kokō hyū

[ Japan-empire peoples-register housholds-populations tables ]
[ 31 December 1895 survey ]
[Tokyo-fu Tokyo-shi] Kyōbashi-ku: Chūaisha [printer]
13 December 1896 printed
15 December 1896 published
2 (contents)、128 (tables)、1 (colophon)

This paper bound report measures 18.2 x 25.4 cm -- a standard B5 publication, the most common size for government reports until fairly recently when the slightly larger A4 size became more popular. B5 remains the most common size for weekly magazines.

An errata sheet in pasted inside the front cover, which bears a small seal. Worms had a field day on the back free fly, were working on the colophon, and just began eating into the last two pages before they had retreated.

Population statistics

The demographic history of Japan is fascinating and complex, as it is for any old, large, and complex poluation. Historical demography is mainly concerned with population estimates before the start of so-called "national census" (kokusei chōsa 国勢調査) surveys in 1920. But census counts, every 5 years in Japan, continue to exist alongside running estimates based on household (family) registration data, which changes every day, and has been reported at least annually since early in the Meiji period.

Japan's population was first nationalized in 1868, at the start of the Meiji Restoration, when all local domains were prefecturized under the authority of a central monoarchal government and subjected to nationwide laws. The first major and most important law was the 1871 Family Register Law, which came into force on Meiji -5-2-1 -- the 1st day of the 2nd month of the 5th year of Meiji on the lunar imperial reign calendar -- which corresponded to 9 March 1872 on the solar Gregorian calendar. Later that year, Japan adopted a reign-year solar calendar, which begin from Meiji 6-1-1 corresponding to 1 January 1873.

The political objective of the Family Register Law, as stated in its preamble (above), was to know the number of people in the realm, and their personal and family conditions, in order to govern them effectively. Several Two kinds of interests had a stake in generating accurate estimates of Japan's population by sex, age, place of birth, place of residence, and location of primary family domicile, among several other categories. By 1883, these interests were represented by the "Health (Hygiene) Bureau" (Eiseikyoku 衛生局) and the "Family Register Bureau" (Kosekikyoku 戸籍局) of the Internal Affairs Ministry or "Interior Ministry" (Naimushō 内務省) (Naimusho and resresidence, and placand other Estimates of populations have originated from various sources in Japan over the centuries. The topic of historical demographology

Since 1 January 1948, family registers in Japan have been under the jurisdiction of municipal governments. From the enforcement of the Family Register Law in 1872 and until 31 December 1947, they were under the jurisdiction of bureaus in various ministries, most of the time of the Police Bureau of the Ministry of Interior. 中央政府による全国人口の把握は、1871(明治4)年の「検戸ノ法」(戸籍法)による戸籍事務とは別に、文部省医務局(1873年)とその後継の内務省衛生局(1875年)を中心とした衛生行政部門においても、人口動態を把握するためのシステムが整えられていった。「醫制」(1874年)が、東京、大阪、京都府に達せられると、三府は管区内の死亡数およびその死因を調査し報告することとされた。1876年にはこの制度は全県に拡げられ、全国的に死因統計を作成する体制が一応整ったことになる。内務省衛生局は1877年より『衛生局年報』を発行し、その統計を公表している。1879年の「府県衛生課事務条項」により各府県に衛生課が設置され、その所掌事務のひとつとして統計報告の事務が規定された。各町村における出産・死亡・流産(1870年から婚姻・離婚含む)の情報は、戸長から群区長を経て府県衛生課に報告され、そこで集計、統計表の作成がおこなわれることとされた。 The ministry and the bureau were abolished on 31 December 1947. Policing functions were continued through a network of municipal and prefectural police forces that were eventually placed under the National Police Agency, a 1954 reincarnation of the Police Bureau. Family register and residence register functions transferred to municipal governments.

Periodically, sometimes every year, the Family Register Department of the Police Bureau published tallies of registration figures as of the end of the previous year. These were not "censuses" of the kind that began from 1920 (see next), which were based on door-to-door canvassing. Rather they were counts of registers, people in registers, and register actions like additions, removals, and transfers for various reasons, most related to vital events like birth, death, marriage, divorce, and adoption, but some related to Japanese nationality changes.

Population estimates based on door-to-door canvassing, and those based on registers, typically disagree. Census counts are typically smaller than register counts, and demographers speculate why. This becomes a problem when computing, say, mortality or morbidity rates, in which counts of reported deaths and reported illnesses are divided by the population. Statisticians have to choose between census populations or register populations -- or come up with populations they compute using both census and register counts.

Here, though, I want to focus only on the categories in which the register populations are reported, as they reflect the way the law and bureaucracy viewed and understood the population -- in terms of sex, lineage status, locality, nationality, and mobility and the like.

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Selected tables

The tables shown to the right dramatize the parameters of the 1895 people's register household population breakdowns.

Table 1 (Page 1)

General figures -- households, populations by sex
and lineage statuses, years lived by sex,
and sundry vital statistics by sex

Table 1 is mainly a table of populations by "sex" (taishō 体性 "somaticy") and "age" (shōnen 生年 "years lived") from 1 year to 110 years and "Lived years unknown" (pages 1-9). The age breakdowns are preceded by total households, total population by sex, and total population by lineage statuses (page 1), and are followed by totals of married and unmarried people, totals of births, deaths, and stillborn, and total incarcerated persons without registers, all by sex (page 9), and various statistics reflecting "movements" (page 10, see next item.

The following figures are my arrangements of general statistics from pages 1 and 9.

Table 1

General figures and vital statistics
Households    7,935,969

Population   42,270,620
-----------------------
  Male       21,345,750
  Female     20,924,870

Lineage      42,270,620
-----------------------
  Kazoku          4,162
  Shizoku     2,050,144     
  Heimin     40,216,314

Have spouse  15,468,152
-----------------------
  Male        7,734,076
  Female      7,734,076

No spouse    26,802,468
-----------------------
  Male       13,611,674
  Female     13,190,794

Births        1,246,427
-----------------------
  Male          638,895
  Female        607,532

Deaths          852,422
-----------------------
  Male          448,873
  Female        403,549

Stillborn       117,215
-----------------------
  Male           60,130
  Female         57,085

In prison with
no register       1,319
-----------------------
  Male            1,252
  Female             67

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End of Table 1 (Page 10)

Movements by types of register actions

The vital statistics at the end of Table 1 are followed by the following statistics representing "movements" (異動) -- changes in the form of additions, deletions, transfers, and other "register actions" that can be characterized as "status actions" or "migrations" resulting from vital events such as birth, death, marriage, divorce, alliances or dissolutions of adoption, imprisonment, sojourning, and change of nationality.

Table 1

Movements

Marriages                 365,633
Divorces                  110,838

Created registers          54,875

Entering register
  Within prefecture       574,279
  From other prefecture   193,316

Entering temporary residence [roll] (Note 1)
  From [other] county, city, ward 1,147,650
  From other prefecture           1,781,536

Leaving temporary residence [roll] (Note 1)
  For [other] county, city, ward    655,910
  For other prefecture              659,157

People with register (Note 2)
in prison 
  To other prefecture      46,108 
  From other prefecture    64,131

Army or Navy barracks (Note 3)
  People in [barracks]       90,759
  Entering from prefecture  104,560

Registers sent [to other municipalties]
  Within prefecture       566,495
  To other prefecture     187,814

Remove registers            7,444

[Registrant] went
to other country           49,762

Disappearances            299,232
Notes

Note 1   "Kiryū" (寄留) means to "stay" (tomeru 留める) at a place one "stops by" or "puts in at" (yoru 寄る) for a while -- hence "temporary residence" or "soujourn". People who lived somewhere other than in their "honseki locality" (honsekichi 本籍地) were required to register in their "temporary residence locality" (kiryūchi 寄留地). The Family Register Law was revised in 1886 (Law No. 27) with provisions for maintaining "Entering temporary stay rolls" (入寄留簿) for "inflowers" (流入者) and "Leaving temporary stay rolls" (出寄留簿) for "outflowers" (流出者). A dedicated "Temporary stay law" (Kiryūhō 寄留法) was promulgated and came into force in 1914. Article 1 of the 1914 law requried that people register a residence other than at their primary domicile (honsekichi) if away for 90 or more days. This law was replaced by the "Resident Registration Law" (Jūmin Tōroku Hō 住民登録法) in 1952, which in 1967 was replaced by the current "Residents Basic Registry Law" (Jūmin Kihon Daichō Hō 住民基本台帳法).

The 1914 Temporary Residence Law, like the Family Register Law, was an Interior law. It was also applied in Karafuto, as Karafuto was treated according to Interior laws, but was not applied in other Japanese territories, which were under their own laws and ordinances. As an Interior law, "honseki" meant a honseki in the Interior (or Karafuto). Hence in Article 1, the phrase "one who doese not have a honseki" (honseki o yū sezaru mono 本籍ヲ有セザル者) referred to Chosenese, Taiwanese, and South Seas Isanders, while the phrase "Nihon no kokuseki o yū sezaru mono" (日本ノ國籍ヲ有セザル者) referred to foreigners including stateless persons. . "persons who did not have ", and . 1872 and 1886, and 1914

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Table 2 (Page 10)

Houshold populations, domicile by locality and sex, plus
occupants and households, and occupants per household, by locality
Table 2 -- County and city populations (left of page) Table 2 (left) -- Rural & urban by region & province

Forthcoming.

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Table 3 (Page 64)

Houshold populations, domicile by locality and sex, plus
occupants and households, and occupants per household, by province
Honseki and actual residence populations, plus average persons per household

Forthcoming.

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Table 4 (Page 69)

Births by sex by region of domicile,
abandoned children and
By legal circumstances of child's birth, plus rates of birth per 100 population museki zaikannin 無籍在監人 person in prison who has no register unregistered prisoner

Incarcerated people were also called "zaikansha" (在監者). Today they are usually called "shūyōsha" (収容者) or "inmates".

収容 収容 ざい‐かん【在監】 の解説 [名](スル)刑務所や拘置所などの刑事施設に収容され、身柄を拘束されていること。監獄法の改廃に伴い、現在は「収容」などの語が用いられる。

Forthcoming.

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KJS-10

Goto Shinpei's involvement in Soma incident

For an account of the Soma incident and Gotō's involvement in its investigation, see my article, Nishigori Takekiyo: Kinsei Jinbutsu Shi, Yamato Shinbun Furoku, No. 10, about Yoshitoshi's portrayal of Soma's former retainer Nishigori Takekiyo. The article includes an enlargeable scan of a copy of this woodblock print in Yosha Bunko.

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Table 6 (Page 76)

Delayed and other special status actions
Additions -- late reports of death et cetera Deletions -- late reports of death et cetera Migrations from and to foreign registers

Forthcoming.

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Table 7 (Page 78)

Houshold populations, domicile by locality and sex, plus
occupants and households, and occupants per household, by locality
Domicile of head and family by status and sex, abandoned children and unregistered people, plus average persons per household

Forthcoming.

Table 6 in 1895 Nihon Teikoku minseki kokō hyō
Delayed and other special status actions

Terms in Table 6 title

出生死亡届洩
shussei-shibō-
todokemore

birth and death notification omissions   Counts of late or delayed filings of birth and death notifications. Such notifications were supposed to be made within 14 days of a birth or death. People missed filing deadlines for all manner of reasons. Late filings were generally accepted but queries might be made if there was suspicion of illegal activities.

Some people have said that Japanese nationality is automatically acquired by children of Japanese parents, but this is not true in the sense that most people understand "automatically". Qualified children acquire Japanese nationality at time of birth only if a proper birth notification is filed with a municipal registrar if in Japan, or a Japanese consulate if outside Japan, in a timely manner. Late filing can result in failure to acquire nationality, as some parents have discovered. A law has effect only if applicable. Japanese nationality can be acquired by "automatic application of the law" only if the Japanese Nationality Law can be applied. And it can be applied only to births that are notified. Notification forms require information on the parents and other conditions of birth. Officials vet the information, and if they find it accurate, they apply the Nationality Law to determine whether or not, on the basis of the information, the child has Japanese nationality. Officials who vet notifications have no discretionary authority when it comes to interpreting the law. The effects of the law are automatic for children whose conditions of birth satisfy the law's criteria for acquiring Japanese nationality.

就籍 shūseki

establish register   A new register is made -- or established or created -- for a child deemed to be Japanese through birth, or for a child or adult who later acquires Japanese nationality through adoption or marriage (old law), recognition or legitimation (old and present laws different), or naturalization old and present laws).

Pursuant to a family court decision, if not appealed, a municipal registrar can also establish a register for (1) a foundling deemed to have been born in Japan (jus soli), (2) an unregistered child or adult with a known identity and past (usually jus sanguinis), and (3) an adult found wandering around, who suffers from severe amnesia, whose identity and past cannot be determined, but who exhibits speech, knowledge, and other traits that can only be understood as evidence of having been raised and probably born in Japan (jus soli) -- et cetera.

除籍 joseki

removal from register   A person's name and related information may be removed or struck from a register for several reasons. If a register includes only the person who is to be removed, then the register itself is closed. A person in a register is removed from the register (1) when migrating to another register on account of marriage or adoption, (2) after death, (3) after renouncing or otherwise losing Japanese nationality, or (4) when the person is found in more than one register. Under pre-postwar family law, the head of a household could have a member expunged from its register -- disowned, disinherited, disenfranchised -- for behavior the head regarded as against the family's interests. Disowning is commonly called "enkiri" (縁切り) or "bond cutting". Under older family law, a head of household was empowered to cut off a son or daughter or other member of the family who, for example, took up with a woman or man the head did not accept.

As overhauled in 1947, effective from 1948, Japan's family laws no longer recognize a head of household as such. The first person listed on a family register is now called the "hittōsha" (筆頭者) -- "person written at head [of register]" -- an artifact of the history of the register. Today's nominal "head" has no authority other than as an individual legal person who might also have parental, filial, spousal, or other such rights and duties derived from a status relationship as a parent, child, or spouse -- not from the artifact of being the first listed.

送籍 sōseki

sending register   A person's family register -- meaning the person's domicile register or "honseki" -- could be "sent" or "transfered" from one municipality (local village, town, city, ward entity) to another, for various reasons. In the past, someone who was not a head of household needed permission from the head to leave the register and establish a personal or branch register, possibly at another address, possibly in another locality. Under the 1947 Constitution and subsequent revisions in the Civil Code and Family Register Law, an individual is free to change his or her honseki address, subject only to constraints imposed by the requirement that married couples and minor offspring share the same register.

Whether people who share the same family register live together or separately is another matter. Japan's registration system is two-tiered. All Japanese have a "honseki" in a municipality within Japan's sovereign dominion, which establishes their affiliation with Japan, hence their possession of Japan's nationality, which is territorial. Japanese also have a legal residential address, which may be anywhere in Japan or abroad. If in Japan, they are enrolled in a "resident register" in the municipality where they actually reside. Rights and duties of municipal, prefectural, and national citizenship derive from municipal registration. The rights and duties of Japanese who legally reside outside Japan -- meaning they have filed notifications of foreign residency and therefore have no resident registration in Japan -- are derived from their honseki status in Japan, where establishes their nationality, not their residency. Most countries have multiple "local" and "state" affiliation systems, but only a few have residence registration systems as pervasive and inclusive as Japan's, which govern every aspect of civil life, from public schooling and healthcare, to suffrage and inheritance.

入籍 nyūseki

entering register   A person in one register enters another register through marriage or adoption. Today, "nyūseki shita" is a commonly used as a synonym for marriage, especially by women, who are more likely to move to their husband's register, but even men who did not move to their wife's register may be heard to use "nyūseki" when saying they got married. Under the old Civil Code and Family Register Law, a head of household could refuse to accept the entry of someone as the spouse of a member of the family, or as an adoptee. Today, most people who marry, who had been in their parents' register, establish a new register as husband and wife -- regardless of which spouse adopts the other's family name.

Terms related to "establish register" (shūseki 就籍) tallies

出生届洩
shussei-todoke-more

birth notification omissions   The figures in Table 6 show notifications filed during 1895 for births that took place during 1894, 1893, 1892, 1891, or 1890 or earlier, by sex, by prefecture.

無籍者 musekisha

person without register   This term refers to a minor or adult who, for many possible reasons, has been growing up, or has grown up, without having been registered, and therefore has not existed in the eyes of the law. The term "mukosekisha" (無戸籍者) refers more specifically to a person who ought to have been registered in a koseki but was not -- where "musekisha" (無籍者) refers more generally to anyone who has not be registered, whether in a koseki as Japanese, or as an alien whether with or without a nationality.

Reasons some people go unregistered   There are many reasons that a child might not be registered. One of the most common reasons is the birth of a child to a woman has left or divorced her husband and has a child with another man. If only separated from her husband --or if, under the contested provision in the law, the child was born within 300 days of the divorce -- the child will be deemed to be that of her husband (ex-husband). In either case, the child cannot be registered as having another father, or as being its mother's out-of-wedlock child without a father on record, unless she persuades her husband (ex-husband) and he agrees to petition a family court to confirm that there is no father-child relationship. Some women end up unable to register their child because their social and/or emotional conditions are not conducive to confronting their husband (ex-husband). Other cases involve mothers who leave a hospital with their child without settling accounts with the hospital and obtaining a proper birth certificate, which is part of the birth notification form; mothers who give birth somewhere without a witness and, again, are unable to satisfy the birth certificate requirement; parents of children born through surrogacy, a reproductive alternative that is not at present (2021) recognized in Japan; parents one or both of whom may be registered, or have other reasons not to expose themselves to bureaucratic scrutiny; parents who are ignorant of the law or have religious or other ideological reasons not to become public cyphers -- ad infinitum.

Very few children remain unregistered for long, and for those who continue to be unregistered, not being registered is more a personal than social problem. An unregistered child is likely to become known to local officials at which time the child becomes of school age. Even if the child's mother (or father or other person who is raising the child) is registered, if the child's existence is not known, the mother will not receive school admission instructions. The mother will have difficulty enrolling the child, as schools require proof of registration. And neighbors are likely to notice a school-age child who is not attending school. Registering an unregistered child, or registering oneself as an unregistered adult, usually requires dealing with a regional legal affairs bureau, which will confirm the circumstances and determine what sort of documentation, and testimony from 3rd parties, is needed to gain registration. The prospects of dealing with the legal bureaucracy is another reason some children and adults remain unregistered.

Abandoned children   "Persons without a (family) register" do not include abandoned children (kiji 棄兒、sutego 捨児, 捨子) who have been found -- and have been duly registered as foundlings. Abandoned children -- foundlings -- exist in the eyes of law precisely because they have been found and deemed to have been abandoned. If a child's mother and/or father can be traced, then it's nationality is based on those of its mother and/or father if they are not stateless. If the child's parents remain unknown or turn out to be stateless -- and if the child is deemed to have been born in Japan -- then under place-of-birth (jus soli) provisions in Japan's Nationality Law (old and new laws), the child is regarded as Japanese, retroactive to its estimated date of birth, and is given a name and enrolled in a new family register. Such children, usually infants, will be protected in orphanages or other shelters, and will later be placed in foster homes or adopted.

棄兒
明治廿七年以前生ノ者

kiji / Meiji 27-nen izen umare no mono
[ abandoned child / person born during or before 1894 ]
These figures are tallies of 1895 registrations of foundlings deemed to have been born before 1895. As such, they are late or delayed filings of an "abandoned child discovery report" (kiji hakken chōsho 棄児発見調書).

外籍ヨリ入籍

gaikoku yori
[ entering (Japan) register from foreign register ]
These figures are counts of cases in which a foreign acquired Japanese nationality through an alliance of marriage or adoption and entered the register of his/her spouse or adopter. See also "gaikoku ni sōseki" (外国ニ送籍) above.

Nationality through marriage or adoption not naturalization   Such status migrations -- acquisition or loss of Japanese nationality through marriage or adoption -- were no longer possible under the 1950 Nationality Law. Permission for a Japanese to marry or adopt a foreigner who stood to become Japanese through an alliance of marriage or adoption was obtained through an application filed by the head of the household that would gain a spouse or adoptee. The household head's permission was discretionary, as was the permission of the government officials who reviewed and approved the application. Japanese law differentiated between nationality derived through marriage or adoption, and nationality acquired through naturalization, in both nomenclature and statistics. Nationality through marriage or adoption was a family matter that began with family approval. Naturalization was a state matter that involved only the alien, who was at the mercy of the discretionary powers of only the government. Having Japanese family ties might improve an alien's chances of being allowed to naturalize, but the family had no agency in the governments decision.

Terms related to "removal from register" (joseki 除籍) tallies

明治廿七年以前
死亡届漏者

Meiji 27-nen izen shibō-todoke-more [no] mono
[ Persons whose death escaped notification during and before 1894 ]
This figure represents death notifications filed between 1 January and 31 December 1895, for deaths that failed to be reported in a timely manner (within 14 days following a death) before 1895.

失踪萬八十年
ニ致シ者

shissō man-80-nen ni itashi mono
[ Persons who have been missing for fully 80 (or more) years ]
This obviously recognizes that the odds a person missing this long is still alive are practically zero.

重籍者 jūsekisha

multiple [double] registered person   A person who qualifies for registration is allowed to be enrolled in only one register. A person might end up in two or more registers on account of a clerical error -- or because the person perceived an advantage in having two or more identities, possibly related to polygamy or another outlawed activity. A person found in two or more registers would be struck from all but the seemingly true register.

外国へ送籍

gaikoku e sōseki
[ sending (transferring) register to a foreign country ]
The figures here appear to represent cases of Japanese who lost their nationality, most likely through marriage to a foreigner (woman) or naturalization (men). See also "gaiseki yori nyōseki" (外籍ヨリ入籍) above.

Many Japanese forms have a "honseki" box in which Japanese write their honseki register address and foreigners write their nationality. Japanese law regards all foreigners as a having a honseki in their country of nationality that is tantamount to a honseki in Japan. This legal fiction is not stated in Japanese law but is implied by the metaphorical use of "seki" (籍) to mean a formal status of affiliation with a local, regional, or national entity, or even an affiliation with a college, established by some form of registration or enrollment.

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Naikaku Tōkei Kyoku [Cabinet Statistics Bureau] 1928

Taishō 9-nen Nihon kokusei chōsa hōkoku
Zenkoku no bu Dai-1-kan

Jinkō, Taisei, Shusseichi, Nenrei
Haigū kankei, Kokuseki minseki, Setai

[ 1920 Japan national census report ]
[ Entire nation (Nationwide) part, Volume 1 ]

[ Population, Sex, Place of birth, Age ]
[ Marital status, Nationality / Subnationality, Household ]

Yosha Bunko scans

Click on text images to enlarge

Naikaku 1928
Yosha Bunko scan
Naikaku 1928
Yosha Bunko scan

1920 national census report

Interior population by place of birth
and by nationality and subnationality

Interiorites (including Hokkaidō natives) and Colonials
Chosenese, Taiwanese, Karafutoans, South Sea Islanders

内閣統計局
大正九年 國勢調査報告 全國の部 第一巻
人口 體性 出生地 年齢
配偶關係 國籍民籍 世帶
東京市京橋區:東亞印刷株式會社 (印刷所)
昭和三年十月十三日印刷
昭和三年十月十四日發行
1 (例言)、2 (目次)、 1 (注意)、277 (結果表)

Naikaku tōkei kyoku
[ Cabinet statistics bureau ]
Taishō 9-nen Kokusei chōsa hōkoku
[ 1920 National census report ]
Zenkoku no bu Dai-1-kan
[ Entire country (Countrywide) part, Volume 1 ]
Jinkō, Taishō, Shusseichi, Nenrei
Haigū kankei, Kokuseki / Minseki, Setai
[ Population, Sex, Birthplace, Age ]
[ Marital status, Nationality / Subnationality, Household ]
Tokyo-shi Kyōbashi-ku: Tō-A Insatsu Kabushiki Kaisha (Printer)
13 October 1928 printed
15 October 1928 published
1 (Preface), 2 (Contents), 1 (Notes), 277 (Tables)

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Naikaku Tōkei Kyoku [Cabinet Statistics Bureau] 1935

Shōwa 5-nen Nihon kokusei chōsa hōkoku Dai-1-kan

Jinkō, Taisei, Nenrei, Haigū kankei,
Shusseichi, Minseki / Kokuseki, Setai, Jūkyo

[ 1930 Japan national census report (Volume 1) ]

[ Population, Sex, Age, Marital status, ]
Place of birth, Subnationality / Nationality, Household, Residence ]

Yosha Bunko scans

Click on text images to enlarge

Naikaku 1935
Yosha Bunko scan
Naikaku 1935
Yosha Bunko scan

1930 national census report

Interior population by subnationality and nationality

Interiorites and Exteriorites
Chosenese, Taiwanese, Karafutoans, South Sea Islanders

内閣統計局
昭和五年 國勢調査報告 第一巻
人口 體性 年齢 配偶關係
出生地 民籍國籍 世帶 住居
[東京市]:[?]
昭和十年 [印刷、發行]
1 (例言)、2 (目次)、[?] (結果表)

Naikaku tōkei kyoku
[ Cabinet statistics bureau ]
Shōwa 5-nen Kokusei chōsa hōkoku [ 1930 National census report ]
Dai-1-kan
[ Volume 1 ]
Jinkō, Taishō, Nenrei, Haigū kankei
Shusseichi, Minseki / Kokuseki, Setai, Jūkyo
[ Population, Sex, Age, Marital status ]
[ Birthplace, Subnationality / Nationality, Household, Residence ]
[ Tokyo-shi ]: [?]
1935 [printed, published]
1 (Preface), 2 (Contents), [?] (Tables)

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The 1930 census classified Japanese by "minseki" (民籍) and foreigners by "kokuseki" (国籍). Foreigners, defined as people whose principal domicile affiliations were outside Japan, were classifed by their nationality.

The most general breakdowns are shown in the 1930 report as follows.

Minseki and kokuseki distinctions in 1930 census

民籍国籍別人口 / 全国 Minseki kokuseki betsu jinko / Zenkoku
[ Population by (imperial territorial) population registers
or (alien) national registers / Entire country ]
= prefectural Interior (Naichi) of Empire of Japan  
Start of Japanese "minseki" (territorial) classifications
内地人   Naichijin [Interiorites]
         = Subjects of Japan in prefectural Interior registers
総数     Sosu [Total]

外地人   Gaichijin [Exteriorites]
         = Subjects of Japan in Exterior (non-Interior) registers
総数     Sosu [Total]
  朝鮮     Chosen (non-Interior territory)
  台湾     Taiwan (non-Interior territory)
  樺太     Karafuto (non-Interior territory)
             Legally subject to Interior laws under 1918 Common Law
             Integrated into Interior as Japan's 48th prefecture in 1943
  南洋     Nan'yo [South Seas] (South Seas Islands 南洋諸島 Nanyo Shoto)
           = German Pacific islands occupied by Japan in 1914
             Recognized as being occupied by Japan in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles,
             and administered by Japan under a League of Nations mandate until 1945
             Occupied and administered by U.S. military forces until 1947
             Administered by U.S. as U.N. trust territory from 1947-1994
Start of foreign "kokuseki" (nationality) classifications
外国人    Gaikokujin [Aliens]
総数      Sosu [Total]
  中華民国  Chuka Minkoku [Republic of China (ROC)]
  [ 省略 ]  [ 36 other foreign states, 
              plus other foreign states,
               omitted here ]

English reports

See 1936 Japan Year Book for examples of how Japan's territorial census figures were differently reported in Japanese and English.

Subnationality

I regard "minseki" in the context of Japan during its imperial years, when the term was used to differentite territorial registers within Japan's sovereign dominion, as "subnationality" -- i.e., a territorial legal status within an overarching "nationality" (kokuseki 国籍) status. The 1920, 1930, and 1940 censuses, for example classified Japanese according to the "minseki" of their "honseki" (本籍) -- the territoriality of their principle domicile register -- whether it was affiliated with the prefectural Interior (Naichi 内地), Chōsen (朝鮮), Taiwan (台湾), or Karafuto (樺太).

The need to differentiate Japanese by territoriality -- i.e., subnationality -- was anticipated by the 1918 Common Law. As a domestic law of laws, the Common Law determined which territory's laws applied in interterritorial civil matters, such as alliances marriage or adoption, and dissolutions of such alliances, between Japanese affiliated with different territories

Say, for example, that a Chosenese man and an Interiorite woman marry. This is a private matter, governed by the laws of Chōsen and the Interior. She might migrate to his Chōsen register and become Chosenese. Or he might migrate to her Naichi register as an "incoming [adopted] husband" and become an Interiorite.

Both would continue to be Japanese, since both territories were part of Japan's sovereign dominion, and Japan's nationality is an artifact of territorial affiliation. Both statuses -- nationality and subnationality (territoriality) -- were strictly civil status. Race or ethnicity have not been matters of law in Japan, much less of registration or change of registration.

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Author year

Title

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"Minseki" as "subnationality"

Territorial affiliation not ethnicity

"Minseki" (民籍) is an older term for registers (seki 籍) of people (min 民) residing in, and belonging to, a locality under the control and jurisdiction of a lord or other authority with reason to want to know who lives where -- typically for purposes of levying taxes or conscripting people for military service or labor. "Min" as word for "people" typically implies politica affiliation with a demographic entity, whether a village or a state, in the sense of being subject to the entity's laws or other forms of authority, and owing the entity and or its overlords one's allegience.

The term "minseki" was used in Japan in the middle of the 19th century, during the late Tokugawa and early Meiji periods, to mean the registers of commoners. The title of a 1895 population report, of enumerations of people in Japan by age, sex, and other categories in household registers, uses "minseki" or "peoples (civil) registers" as a synonym for "koseki" (戸籍) or "household (family) registers".

Membership in a koseki in Japan -- possession of a "honseki" (本籍) in Japan -- was tantamount to having the "standing of being Japanese" (日本人タルノ分限) until the adoption of the term "kokuseki" (国籍) to mean "nationality" shortly before the promulgation and enforcement of Japan's 1st operational Nationality Law (Kokusekihō 国籍法) in 1899.

The 1899 Nationality Law, which originated as an Interior (Naichi 内地) law, was extended to Taiwan the same year. Taiwan, when ceded to Japan by China in 1895, became part of Japan's sovereign dominion. It came, however, with its own legal system, including population registers and regulations for their administration. Japan's nationality is territorial, in the sense that it is an artifact of membership in a household register under the control and jurisdiction of a municipality (village, town, city, or ward) within Japan's sovereign dominion. Hence people in Taiwan who remained affiliated with Taiwan register, through membership in a Taiwan register, rather than declare an affiliation with a foreign state, had already become Japanese when the Nationality Law was extended to Taiwan. Japan's Nationality Law does not declare who is Japanese, but determines who becomes Japanese or ceases to be Japanese when applied to individuals and their personal circumstances. Because the law also began to operate in Taiwan, it's provisions for naturalization through permission, as well as for acquisition of Japanese nationality through marriage or adoption into a Japanese household, and loss of Japanese nationality through marriage or naturalization, meant that (1) aliens could naturalize in Taiwan, or become Japanese through marriage or adoption into a Taiwan register, while Taiwanese could lose Japan's nationality through marriage to an alien or naturalization in another country.

The Empire of Korea's 1909 Minsekihō or "People's register law", established with the insistence and assistance of Japanese advisors in Korea, then a dependency of Japan, doubled as a national register (nationality) law, much like Interior and Taiwan household registers were also registers of Japanese nationality. In other words, enrollment in a household register under Korea's minseki system implied possession of Korea's nationality.

When Japan annexed Korea as Chōsen in 1910, Chōsen -- like Taiwan -- came with its own legal system, including minseki population registers. Korea's Minsekihō continued to operate in Chōsen as a territorial rather than national register law. And because Chōsen was part of Japan's sovereign dominion, membership in a Chōsen minseki was deemed to mean possession of Japanese nationality.

In other words, people in Taiwan and Chosen household registers, as registers under Japan's sovereign control and jurisdiction, were Taiwanese and Chosenese by regional territorial status within Japan, but were subjects and nationals of Japan, hence Japanese both nationally and internationally.

Japan's earliest national censuses, which enumerated people living throughout the Empire of Japan, including territories within its sovereign dominion (Interior, Taiwan, Karafuto, and Chōsen), but also territories outside its dominion but under its legal control and jurisdiction (such as Kwangtung Province and the South Sea Islands), broke down people by "kokuseki minseki" in 1920 and "minseki kokuseki" in 1930. Both breakdowns amounted to classifying people affiliated with Japan by their regional "minseki" status, and aliens by their country of nationality. Since 1918, Japan had a domestic Common law, a domestic law of laws that determined which regional law within the Empire of Japan would apply in private matters between legal persons of different regionality within the empire -- Naichi, Taiwan, Karafuto, Chōn, and so forth.

Because "regionality" or "territoriality" is a sub-category of "nationality", I have called minseki statuses in Japan "sub-nationality". Legally, it compares with considering someone who legally resides in, say, California a "Californian" as a matter of state affiliation, within the broader category of "American" as a matter of nationality. Before becoming Japanese, I resided in Japan as an alien. The question arose as to how my assests in Japan would be treated should I die in Japan. Inheritance laws in Japan's Code Code did not automatically apply to me. Under Japan's Laws of laws, which govern determinations of applicable laws in private international matters, my assets would be subject to "home country laws" (hongokuhō 本国法) -- i.e., the laws of my country of nationality. Since I was an American, most people would think that my "home country" was the United States. It would have been in a criminal matter involving extradiction or deportation. But in private matters such as disposition of personal assets in case of death, my "home country law" was California law. The United States is a federation of states which have their own constitutions and civil and penal codes, among other laws that make them all but sovereign states like Japan. As it turns out, because I was legally domiciled in Japan California law deferred to Japanese law. So my children would be able to inhert whatever I leave through the application of Japan's Civil Code. I became Japanese, so my former status as an American affiliated with California -- a American of California regionality or territoriality, or California sub-nationality if you will -- is moot.

"Honseki" as a legal fiction

"Honseki" (本籍) -- a keyword in both population register and census reports -- means "principal (primary, permanent, home) register". It refers to the locality where one "belongs" as a matter of civil record -- an address within a municipality or province or other administrative region within a country. Japanese nationality is territorial in that anyone who possesses a "honseki" within Japan's sovereign domininion is regarded as possessing Japan's nationality. Aliens -- people who don't possess Japan's nationality -- are deemed to have a "honseki" in their country of nationality. And on Japanese administrative forms, in the "honseki" (本籍) or "honsekichi" (本籍地) box where Japanese write their "honseki" address, aliens write their country of nationality -- or "stateless" (mukokuseki 無国籍) if they have no nationality.

When I was an American, I wrote 米国 (Beikoku) -- meaning "USA" -- in honseki boxes on Japanese forms. My honseki address is the first part of my postal address down to but not including my house number. It begins with a prefecture, followed by either a county and then a village or town, or a city, then a the name of a neighborhood or other district of the municipality, and by at least 1, but usually 2, and less commonly 3 numbers representing parcels within parcels within parcels of land. A a full postal address will include the number of the lot or building thereon and possibly a unit or room number therein. Practically all people in Japan have distinct mailing addresses. I share my honseki address with several neighbors within the same larger block. Our postal addresses include a number which is specific for each lot. My daughter, on the other side of town, lives in a home that was built at the same time as several others when a parcel was subdivided. All homes share the same street and house address down to the final number. Only the names of the addresses are different. Without a name, or just "Resident", delivery people don't know where to go. This is not common but neither is it that rare.

My residential address happens to be my honseki address address, because I was living at my present home when I naturalized. I could have chosen any other address, in principle, including the address of the Imperial Palace or the Prime Minister's residence, though of course local registrars would have discouraged me from doing so. My daughter and her husband and children are legal residents of the city having jurisdiction over their home, but their honseki address is in a differen municipality in a different prefecture. Their Japanese nationality, like mine, is linked to their honseki address, not their legal residence. They can move anywhere in the world, and their legal residence will change, but their honseki address will remain the same -- unless they change it. So long as they change their honseki address to another address within Japan's sovereign dominion, they will remain Japanese. Naturalizing in another country is deemed as a change in their honseki address to an address outside Japan's sovereign dominion, hence they stand to lose Japan's nationality.

Having a "honseki" is a legal reality for Japanese, for whom it represents an actual physical record -- in the form of a "koseki" or "family register" linked by its nominal address with a locality -- a named and numbered parcel of Japan's sovereign dominion. For most Japanese, their "honseki address" (honsekichi 本籍地) is a "place" or "locality" (chi 地) where a living parent or grandparent may still reside. They themselves may have been raised there, and they may visit during holidays when families commonly get together. Even if their parents or grandparents die, their honseki address may remain the same -- even if new owners acquire the home on the lot, or the home is torn down and rebuilt, or the lot is renamed or renumbered. Even if they change their honseki address to another locality, they may visit family graves in the "home town" or "home country" locality.

Some Japanese refer to their present or childhood "honseki" as their "kuni" (国), their "home province" or "home town" -- or as their "shusshinchi" (出身地), their "place of origin" or "native place" or "birthplace".

Historically, migrants and refugees from other places, who arrived in a territory reached by the authority of the Yamato court, were settled in a locality within the dominion, and enrolled in its registers, in return for submitting to the emperor's authority in what amounted to a change of allegiance. The term for this process was "kika" -- which more than a millennium later was used to in Japan's 1899 Nationality Law to mean "naturalization". In other words, membership in the population that owed allegiance to the court -- to the reigning tennō (emperor, empress) -- became a matter of settlement and registration in a locality within the court's realm.

The "identity" established by local registration was primarily local, as the locality -- while part of the imperial realm -- was also part of the province within the domain of a local authority who was allegiant to the Yamato court. The province was a "kuni" (國), and provincial people were "kokumin" (國民), which signified that they were "affiliates" (min 民) of province.

As late as the 1895 population report, some statistics are reported by "kuni" (國) -- corresponding roughly to "provinces" or "countries" within the "domains" (han 藩) that had been nationalized as prefectures.

"Japanese territory" as perceived by Japan

Note that the territorial equivalency of honseki with nationality is based on honseki affiliation with Japan's national territory as defined by Japan -- including territories that Japan claims but either does not or cannot actually occupy for the purpose of control and jurisdiction. Japan claims that Takeshima (竹島) is part of Shimane prefecture and that the Southern Chishima (南千島) islands ("Northern Territory" Hoppō Ryōdo 北方領土) are part of Hokkaidō prefecture. But the Republic of Korea (ROK) claims, occupies, and controls Takeshima as Dokdo, and Russia claims, occupies, and controls the Southern Chishima Islands as part of the Kurils.

Japan has formally claimed the Sentaku Islands (Sentaku Shotō 尖閣諸島) since 1895 and had regarded them as part of Yaeyama county (Yaeyama-gun 八重山郡) in Okinawa prefecture since 1 April 1896. In 1971, after the United States confirmed that it would return Okinawa "including the Sentaku Islands" to Japan in 1972, first the Republic of China (ROC), and then the People's Republic of China (PRC), insisted that the Tiaoyutai (ROC) aka Diaoyu (PRC) islands belong to them. PRC, which claims that ROC belongs to it, as of now (2021) patrols and sometimes crosses the perimeter of Japan's economic zone around the islands and insists that it will not allow Japan to actually possess the islands.

The Senkaku Islands are now part of Ishigaki city on Yaeyama. No one lives there today. There was a fish processing plant on the main island during the early 20th century, but the islands became uninhabited shortly before the start of the Pacific War. A lighthouse was built on the main island and couple of goats were grazed there by an activist group, but the activists left and the goats stayed. Some research groups have conducted geological, zoological, and botanical surveys on the islands. Today, however, no one sets foot on the islands.

There are, of course, no Japanese municipal government offices on any of these disputed territories. Records were probably kept of the fish plant employees and others who lived on the Senkaku Islands, but my guess is that their registers were not affiliated with the islands. Takeshima, a much smaller group, was sometimes visited but does not seem to have occupied -- until recently by some Koreans. When the Soviet Union invaded Karafuto and the Chishima islands in the closing days of the Pacific War, Japan evacuated Karafuto and Chishima residents, and their household registers and other records, to Hokkaido, where most residents resettled with new register addresses.

Today however -- because Japanese are free to affiliate their "honseki" with any part of Japan's sovereign domain as defined my Japan -- about 300 Japanese have established honseki addresses in these contested territories. The 26 January 2011 issue of Sapio magazine reported that, between 2008 and 2010, honseki increased from 118 to 132 in the Northern Territory, and from 39 to 50 in Takeshima. The same article estimated that about 20 Japanese had established honseki in Sentaku. It also said that some 210 people had honseki addresses for Okinotorishima Tō (沖ノ鳥島), a coral surrounding a few rock outcroppings reinforced with ferro-concrete tetrapods and concrete encasings, that are part of the Ogasawara Islands that define Ogasawara village. ROC, PRC, and ROK claim that the shoal does not qualify as a territory that warrants Japan's claim to a 200 nautical mile economic zone around the shoal -- the southermost part of Japan, in the Philippine Sea, below the Tropic of Cancer.

"honseki" and "genkyo" or "jcrucial to both the the population report and the census reports. Closely associated with "honseki" is "koseki" -- Underpinning the Lurking behind thereportsand the 1930 title speaks of d "honseki", the 1920 and 1930 census reports speak of "Few writers about Japan in English pay close attention to the meanings of Japanese terms like "kokuseki" and "minseki", or "honseki" and "koseki", on their own terms. The order of familiarity among Japanese speakers is "koseki" and "honseki", which are closely related but not quite synonymous -- followed by "kokuseki", which is an artifact of "honseki". "honseki" is the most important term, as -- and most Japanese speakers will not be familiar with "minseki""Kokuseki" and "koseki" are the most readily translated by widely shared translation tags like "nationality" and "family register". "Minseki" and "honseki" will cause translators more trouble because they lack widely shared tags. likely to be translated readily translated, while "minseki" and "honseki" is the least encountered term even in Japanese, and "honseki" the most important Of these two terms, "kokuseki" is the most universally understandable because every state in the world has a word that corresponds to it -- and in English, including American English, that word is "nationality" (not "citizenship"). In all countries, "nationality" is a raceless, non-ethnic legal status as a member of a state'sthat word is "nationality" easily understood "Minseki" is the least encountered term and lacks a widely shared translation. "Honseki" is the most important term but also lacks a widely shared translation. arethough understanding their meanings is is translated "nationality" or -- less accurately -- "citizenship". So long as "" (not accurate)less accurate) or (more likely, and less accurately) s of distinctions made in Japanese terminology, in their own terms. Rather than examine how

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Nihon Kokusei Chōsa Kinen Shuppan Kyōkai 1921

Nihon kokusei chōsa kinen chō

[ Japan national census commemoration book ]

Yosha Bunko scans

Click on text images to enlarge

1920 census commemoration 1920 census commemoration

Gilted map of Empire of Japan
Cover of clasped board wrapper
End of wrapper showing clasps
Bottom edges also gilted

1920 census commemoration
1920 census commemoration

Volume 2
Overview of Japan's 1920 census
including actual survey sheets

1920 census commemoration

Volume 1
History of population censuses
in Japan and other countries

1920 census commemoration

Volume 3
Aichi prefecture census takers

1920 census commemoration

Colophon for 3-volume set
Publication data at end of Volume 3

1920 census commemoration

Census particulars by country
Japan and other countries compared against
International Statistical Congress categories

1920 census commemoration

Volume 1 Preface
Association director Count Komatsu Shigeharu
celebrates completion of commemorative publication

1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan
1920 census commemoration
Yosha Bunko scan

1920 Japan national census commemoration

"Investigate without omitting anyone"

"Report [matters] as they are"

恒次九水 (編輯兼發行)
日本國勢調査記念出版協會 (編)
日本國勢調査記念帖
大正9年10月1日國勢調査の記録
日本國勢調査記念出版協會
大正十一年五月二十日印刷
大正十一年五月廿五日發行
全三巻、秩入
定價金貳拾四圓
第一巻、187頁、+約120頁
第二巻、264頁、+5頁
第三巻 (愛知県)、572頁、+約100頁

Tsuneji Kyūsui (compiler-cum-publisher)
Nihon Kokusei Chōsa Kinen Shuppan Kyōkai (hen)
[Japan National Census Commemmoration Publication Association (editer) ]
Nihon kokusei chōsa kinen chō
[ Japan national census commemoration (string-bound) book ]
Taishō 9-10-1 Kokusei chōsa no kiroku
[ Record of 1 October 1920 National census ]
Nihon Kokusei Chōsa Kinen Shuppan Kai
[ Japan National Census Commemoration Association ]
20 May 1922 printed
25 May 1922 published
3 volumes in folding wrapper with bone clasps (chitsu)
Standard price 24 yen
Volume 1, 187 plus about 120 pages
Volume 2, 264 plus 5 pages
Volume 3 (Aichi-ken), 572 plus about 100 pages

Attributed and dated materials in front matter of Volume 1 are as follows.

25 May 1922
Tsuneji Kūsui
Editor and publisher

Gosatasho 御沙汰書 "Imperial sanction"
28 December 1920

Tūchō "Notice"
13 January 1921

"Notice")
15 January 1921 (Kunji "Directions")
November 1920 (Jo "Preface")
1 October 1921 (Hanrei "Explanatory notes")

大正九年十二月二十八日 (御沙汰書)
大正十年一月十三日 (通牒)
大正十年一月十五日 (訓示)
大正九年十一月 (序)
大正十年十月一日 (凡例)

The volumes shown to the right the Aichi prefecture edition of the 3-volume set of publications commemorating the complete and the success of Japan's 1st "Kokusei chōsei" or "National census" in what was foreseen as the start of a mission to evaluate the country's population every 5 years. Volumes 1 and 2 are the same for all prefectures. Volume 3 introduces the taking of the census in a specific prefecture, and consists mostly of photographs and information on each census official and census taker in the prefecture.

members of the local teams of census takers

The first document in Volume one is a facsimile of a handwritten request dated 25 May 1922, from the Imperial House Minister Viscount Makino Nobuaki (牧野伸顕 1861-1949) to Baron Komatsu Shigeharu (小松重春 1886-1925), conveying that Tsuneji Kyūsui, compiler and publisher of Japan national census commemorative book, in 3 parts, be presented to the emperor and empress [Yoshihito (Taishō) Sadako (Teimei)] and the crown prince [Hirohito (Shōwa)].

The 3 volumes in the Yosha Bunko copy the set for Aichi prefecture have brown covers and the wrapper is blue. Another copy of only Volume 1 in Yosha Bunko, from an unknown set, has a black cover. Other volumes sold by antiquarian book deals have either brown or black covers.

Each volume is bound with strings between two board covers measuring 26.2 cm wide and 19.0 cm tall. The 3-volume set was distributed in a box cover closed with what is called a "shitsu" (執SSSS. There appears to have been a set for each prefecture, and some of the volumes went through multiple printings. An antiquarian dealer offered a set from Shiga prefecture in which the 1st and 2nd volumes were 6th printings and the 3rd volume was a first printing. 一・二巻:6版 三巻:初版

The pages, all glossy, are A binding error resulted in three copies of the "Imperial sanction" (gosatasho 御沙汰所) transmitted by Grand Chamberlain Baron Oogimachi Sanemasa (正親町実正 1855-1923) to Cabinet Prime Minister Hara Takashi (原敬 1856-1921).Kei (年the "Gosatasho" The contents include numerous photographs beginning with portraits of the highest ranking members of the imperial family other than the emperor and his immediate family, followed by and explanations of the purpose of the census, how it was conducted, and how various figures were compiled from survey sheets, and examples of the sheets. There are also overviews of censuses in other countries.

大正9年10月1日国勢調査の理由や実行の記録を写真で纏めたものです。

Pages 64-65 国勢調査の目的
Pages 136-136 国籍民籍

日本国勢調査記念録 [147]

標題
目次
第一卷
御沙汰書
通牒及訓示
題字及序文
凡例及目次
天照大神御神影
伊勢大廟
??宮御正殿と??宮全景
神武天皇御神影
神武天皇畝傍山御陵
神武天皇@原御神宮
明治天皇御神影
明治天皇桃山御陵
明治天皇代々木御神宮
天皇陛下御尊影
皇后陛下御尊影
皇太子殿下御尊影
淳宮高松宮澄宮三殿下御尊影
各皇族殿下御尊影
各國務大臣眞影
貴衆兩院議長及議員眞影
國勢院總裁本協會總裁及會長眞影
國勢調査評議會職員眞影
國勢院職員眞影
國勢調査/1
國勢調査の意義/2
國勢調査の起原/6
國勢調査の沿革/11
國勢調査の使命/55
國勢調査の目的/64
國勢調査の樣式/66
國勢調査の事項/87
國勢調査の地域/123
國勢調査の結果表/130
國勢調査の機關/138
國勢調査の費用/152
國勢調査の整理/155
參考用寫眞

The census-taker slogans on the cover read "Investigate without omitting anyone" (Hitori mo morenaku chōsa suru koto (一人も漏なく調査すること) and "Report [matters] as they are" (Ari no mama shinkoku suru koto 有りのまま申告すること). The preface by Navy Vice Admiral Baron Nashiha Tokioki (1850-1928) reiterate that the census takers are to "carry out the investigation accurately, without omitting anyone".

The "Introduction" s the slogans on

Two terms caught my eye when purusing Volume 1 of The 1920 census commemoration book.

Beginning in 1920, Japan began conducting empire-wide censuses based on door-to-door canvassing. The censuses sought to count everyone living in the territories that defined Japan's sovereign dominion, and in the territories under Japan's legal control and jurisdiction outside its dominion. Some tallies were based on place of birth, others on residence, yet others on locality of primary domicile or "honseki".

As Japanese nationality was territorial, people in family registers affiliated with the territories that made up Japan's sovereign dominion -- the prefectural Interior (Naichi), Chōsen, Taiwan, and Karafuto -- were subjects and nationals of Japan, hence were Japanese by nationality and Interiorites (Naichijin). Chōsen and Taiwan came with their own legal systems, including household registers and the family laws that governed them. Karafuto had been under Japan's control and jurisdiction for quite a while before it was traded to Russia in 1875 for the northern Chishima islands, and when Russia ceded the territory to Japan after the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), Japan quickly "Interiorized" Karafuto to the point that, under the 1918 Common Law, a domestic rules of laws, Karafutoans was treated under Interior laws in cases of private matters like marriage and adoption between Karafutoans and other Japanese -- Interiorites, Chosenese, and Taiwanese.

Pursuant to a League of Nations mandate, the South Seas Islands (Nan'yō Shotō 南洋群島) were consigned to Japan's administration for the purpose of control and jurisdiction but not sovereignty. The islands, formerly been under German control and jurisdiction, had had occupied by Japan in 1914 at the start of the what became World War I, during which Japan was a member of the Allied Powers.

The territory was formally called "I'nin-Tōchi-ryō Nan'yō Shotō (日本委任統治領南洋群島), which means "Japan mandate-governed territory South Sea Islands", and it was governed by the "Nan'yō-chō" (南洋廳). The term "chō (庁), commonly used today in the sense of "agency" or "headquarters", signified a imperial government organ that served as the "government" of the territory.

People affiliated with the islands were called "Nan'yōjin" (南洋人) or "South Sea Islanders" -- a short form of "Nan'yō Shotō jin" (南洋諸島人).

Japan lost most of the islands during the last year or so of the Pacific War and surrendered the others after the war. The mandate began on 7 November 1919 pursuant to the Treaty of Versailles, and ended with the establishment on 18 July 1947 of the "Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands" (Taiheiyō Shotō Shintaku Tōchi Ryō 太平洋諸島信託統治領).

Chosenese (Chōsenjin), Taiwanese (Taiwanjin), and Karafutoans (Karafutojin) were Japanese by Japanese, but their domicile registers were affiliated with territories outside the Interior. Legally, South Sea Islanders had no nationality, but as they were affiliated with a territory under Japan's legal control and jurisdiction, they had territorial identities within the Empire of Japan. They were duly registered in local family registers, and the few South Sea Islanders that traveled or resided elsewhere in the empire carried transit permits that identified them as South Sea Islanders. Hence they enumerated as "South Sea Islanders" in national censuses. The 1920 census, taken less than year after the start of the mandate, counted a total of 3 South Sea Islanders in the prefectural Interior -- all in Tokyo prefecture.

Nomenclature in 1920 census

The 1920 census was taken barely 10 years after Japan annexed Korea as Chōsen. The empire was still reeling from the 1 March 1919 independence uprisings in Chōsen and elsewhere. Chosenese became Japanese through the artifact of Chōsen's incorporation into Japan's sovereign dominion, but the Nationality Law was never formally applied to the peninsula. Customary law provided for ordinary nationality acquisition through birth but not for naturalization (which began with the 1899 Nationality Law) or renunciation (which became possible through a 1916 revision in the 1899 law).

Taiwan, by 1920, had settled into a fairly peaceful colony after 25 years under Japanese rule, which at first met considerable resistance from some Taiwanese. Taiwan was not a contested territory during the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), but Japan had been involved with Taiwan for many years and demanded that China cede it the islands as part of the settlement under the Simonoseki Treaty. The treaty provided Japanese nationality to people in Taiwan who did not formally declare and confirm their status as subjects of another country. And Japan extended its 1899 Nationality Law to Taiwan, which thus became on a par with the Interior as far as nationality was concerned.

Karafuto -- the southern half of Sakhalin -- had essentially been under Japan's control and juristiction in 1875 when Japan traded its interests in Karafuto for Russia's northern Kurils, which Japan calls the northern Chishima islands. Karafuto became part of Japan's sovereign dominion in 1905 when Russia ceded the territory to Japan as partial settlement following the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905). The Portsmouth Treaty provided that people in Karafuto who did not chose to remain Russian would be nationals of Japan. Customary law determined nationality matters until 1924, when Japan extended the operation of the Nationality Law to Karafuto. Some Karafuto Ainu had relocated to Hokkaidō rather than remain in Karafuto and become Russians in1 1875. By 1905, Karafuto Ainu, significantly Russified, became Japanese, as did other indigenous people in the territory.

Hokkaidō Ainu became essentially Japanese when the largest part of "Ezo" (蝦夷) or "Ezochi" (蝦夷地) was nationalized and incorporated into Japan's sovereign dominion in 1869 as the territory of Hokkaidō. In 1882, the territory became 3 prefectures, which were merged as Hokkaidō prefecture in 1886.

In 1920, Hokkaidō Ainu were still enrolled in the distinct (segregated) registers which had been established in Ainu villages before the formation of the prefectures -- to somewhat simply a more complex historical reality. Though still in their own registers, Ainu were nonetheless affiliated with the prefectural Interior and hence were enumerated as "Interiorites" (Naichijin 内地人). The 1920 shows 55,884,992 Interiorites (males 27,980,989, females 27,904,003) -- including [15,575] Ainu (males 7,304, females 8,271). In 1924, Ainu registers were merged with general registers, as they are today, with no distinction, ending the tabulation of "Ainu" on national government population figures. Ainu populations today are estimted by various interest groups. A special "Ainu living conditions survey" (Ainu seikatsu jittai chōsa アイヌ生活実態調査) carried out in 66 municipalities (cities, towns, and villages) in Hokkaidō in 2013 sized up the lives of 16,786 people who identified as Ainu. The membership of Hokkaido Ainu Association (Hokkaidō Ainu Kyōkai 北海道アイヌ協会), an all-Ainu organization founded in 1930 -- Hokkaido Utari Association (Hokkaidō Utari Kōkai 北海道ウタリ協会) from 1961-2009 -- was about 3,200 as of this writing (2021).

"Colonies" and "colonials"

In 1920, Japan's policies regarding the governing of its non-Interior territories -- how far to make them more like the Interior, and whether to someday integrate them into the Interior -- were still very fluid. The point here is that the 1920 census report, as published by the Cabinet Statistics Bureau, collectively called Japan's non-Interior territories "colonies" (shokuminchi 植民地) and their register-affiliated inhabitants "colonials" (shokuminchi-jin 植民地人). At the same time, the 1920 report digested here uses "Zenkoku" (全國) -- meaning "entire country/nation" -- to refer to the prefectural Interior -- which makes sense if the other territories of the empire were regarded as "colonies".

"nationality by subnationality"

Notice also the order of the expression "kokuseki minseki" (國籍民籍) signifying "national register" (kokuseki) or "nationality" -- "people's register" (minseki) or what I call "territoriality" or "subnationality". This turns out to be odd, because the first breakdowns in all the tables are by "minseki" (Interiorites, Chosenese, Taiwanese, Karafutoans, South Sea Islanders) within Japanese nationality (except South Sea Islanders, who had no nationality) -- followed by foreigners (gaikokujin 外國人) broken down by nationality. Later censuses reversed the order in the table titles to "minseki kokuseki" (see 1930 census below).

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Volume 2

Volume 2 includes the 1920 National census enforcement order (pages 13-17).

The first 2 articles are as follows (pages 13-14, my transcriptions and translations).

National census enforcement order (1918)

國勢調査施行令
大正七年九月二十六日
勅令第三百号十八號

National strength investigation (census) enforcement order
Taishō 7-9-26 [26 September 1918]
Imperial order Number 318

第一條   第一回國勢調査ハ大正九年十月一日午前零時ノ現在ニ依り之ヲ行フ

Article 1   As for the 1st national strength investigation (census), conduct it at the time of [as of] zero hours in the morning of 1 October Taishō 9 [1920].

第二條   第一回國勢調査ハ前條ノ時期に於テ帝國版圖内に現住スル者ニ付左ノ事項ヲ調査ス

一 氏名
二 世帯ニ於ケル地位
三 男女ノ別
四 出生ノ年月日
五 配偶ノ關係
六 職業及食上ノ地位
七 出生地
八 民籍別又ハ國籍別

Article 2   As for the 1st national strength investigation (census), investigate the particulars to the left for perons presently residing within the Empire's register areas (sovereign dominion) at the time of the preceding article.

1. Family and personal name
2. Status in household
3. Male-female distinction
4. Birth year, month, and day (date of birth)
5. Spousal relationship (marital status)
6. Occupation and occupational status (position)
7. Place of birth
8. People's register distinction and national register distiction (Territoriality and nationality) (Honseki territory in Japan for Japanese, Honseki territory outside Japan for aliens)

Notes

  1. Hanto (版図) is metaphorically an "area" (to 図) defined by the "registers" (han 版) of the inhabitants of the area, hence the "dominion" or "territory" of a locality, province, or country. It became familiar in the early Meiji period, when it was used in proclamations involving ""
    1. "Han" (版) refers to a board on which something is carved or brushed. The term is most familiar today in words like "shuppan" (出版) and "hanga" (版画). A "shuppansha" (出版社) is a "company" (sha 社) that "produces" (出) "wood blocks" (han 版) and impressions thereof -- in other words, a publishing company. A "hanmoto" (版元) is a person or shop that makes "wood blocks" (mokuhan 木版) and prints hand bills, books, maps, and pictorial woodblock prints called "hanga" (版画) or "mokuhanga" (木版画).
      1. At the start of the Meiji period, "han" (版) was also familiar in the term "hanseki" (版籍), "territory" (hanto 版図 "household registers and maps") and "people" (koseki 戸籍) or "population". The term was used in the expression "hanseki hōkan" (版籍奉還), which commonly appeared in proclamations regarding the obligation of domain lords to "return to the emperor" (hōkan 奉還) their "lands and people" (hanseki 版籍). The sovereignty which domain lords exercised over their provinces was understood to have been entrusted to them by the emperor, who had delegated the authority to rule the country to the Tokugawa house when bestowing the title of shōgun on Tokugawa Ieyasu, thus beginning the Tokugawa or Edo period. The Meiji restoration is called such because Tokugawa Yoshinobu, the 15th and last Edo-era shōgun, had been forced to resign the title, thus returning the reigns of rule to the emperor. This obliged the domain lords (daimyō 大名), who had been entrusted with rights of suzerainty over their provinces, and were served by people allegiant to them, to return the territories and people under their control and jurisdiction to the restored emperor, to whom all people would then be allegiant.
    2. "To" (図) -- diagrams, drawings, or charts -- referred to territorial maps, as in the word "chizu" (地図), meaning "land drawings". The term is also familiar in "tosho" (図書), meaning "drawings and writings", as in "toshokan" (図書館) or "library".

1872 International Statistical Congress determinations

The International Statistical Congress convened 9 times between 1853 and 1876, in as many European cities. The 1st congress was held in Brussels on 19 September 1853 with the object of establishing international standards in units of measurement, to facilitate collaborative and comparative research between countries.

1st 1853 Brussels Population statistics 2nd 1855 Paris 3rd 1857 Vienna 4th 1860 London Sanitary movements 5th 1863 Berlin 6th 1867 Florence 7th 1869 The Hague 8th 1872 St. Petersburg 9th 1876

In his introduction, Randeraad makes this observation (page 51, [bracketed text] mine, notes not shown).

Much of this failure to bring about rapid change [in the international standardization of statistics] can be explained by the difficulties in realizing effective knowledge transfers, in other words effective communication, in an age that was not fully prepared for truly international activities. It has been shown that the second half of the nineteenth century was a period of numerous experiments in internationalism, but at the same time rampant nationalism nipped many initiatives in the bud. French and German statisticians and political economists, for example, were continually quarrelling about population figures. The French were anxious to prove that the size of their population was not dangerously decreasing, whereas the Germans proudly presented statistical laws demonstrating their nation's vigour, which manifested itself in rapid population growth. Increasing nationalism, however, is not the only explanation for the collapse of the international statistical congress. The implicit faith in the possibility of a neutral science also created huge difficulties. Realizing statistical uniformity presupposed a comparability of the underlying facts and numbers that was far removed from the rapidly changing administrative reality in nineteenth-century Europe. Moreover, despite the communication revolution of the nineteenth century, the ability of governments and other actors to share knowledge advances in the field of statistics was limited.

The term "national vigour" is accurately reflected in the Sino-Japanese term "kokusei" (国勢), which is usually translated "national census". The term "census" apparently stems from "censere" meaning "to assess" and was used to denote registration of the names and property assessments for Roman citizens for tax purposes. It's use to signify more generally an official enumeration of people in a country dates from the middle of the 18th century. However, the reasons why states go to the trouble to enumerate their populations in various ways remains closely related to securing funds for the governments of states to fulfill their functions as keepers of social order and regulators of social life.

By the middle of the 19th century, international congresses, focussing on various topics of scientific or governmental interest, had become very popular. The world's first sanitary congress, convened in Paris in 1851, addressed the dangers of cholera epidemics. The first congress on both demography and public hygiene was held in Brussels in 1852. (Randeraad, page 54)

Statistics were viewed as ways to discover the laws of society and administratively apply them to improve the material and moral standard of at least some of the people. Wishful thinkers foresaw the ability to assess individuals and communities through measurements of bodies and quantified their manner of measurements. ability to measure criminality and improving the moral and material standard of living.

Pages 55-56 Other organizing countries also managed to insert specific national interests into the agenda. Vienna set great store by ‘ethnographical’ statistics, a branch of Randeraad 55 population statistics that suited the needs of the Habsburg Vielvo¨lkerstaat particularly well. The director of the Habsburg statistical service, Karl von Czoernig, born in Bohemia and stationed in the imperial bureaucracy of Trieste and Milan between 1828 and 1841, believed strongly in the viability of a multi-national state. In 1857, the year that the international statistical congress was held in Vienna, he published the second part of his Ethnographie der o¨sterreichischen Monarchie, a eulogy of the Austrian reforms implemented after 1848. The book was accompanied by an unprecedentedly detailed map of the Austrian empire, based on the census of 1851. It showed all administrative units and all ethnic and language groups within the borders of the Habsburg Empire in different colours and was a work of art that had demanded the utmost of the printer. The purpose of the map, however, was not to show off the fine quality of Austrian printing, but rather to highlight the sheer impossibility and illusion of creating a state or states on the basis of nationalistic aspirations.

Volume 1 of the 3-volume Japan National Census Commemorative Book, published in 1921 to celebrate the completion of Japan's 1st national census in 1920, takes a broad and deep look at the recent history of population surveys in Japan and other countries, centering on attempts to establish international census standards, such as by the International Statistics Congress at its 8th convention held in The Hague in 1872. Volume 1 summaries its discussion of the determinations of the convention in a table that compares the categories or partiuclars of censuses in Japan's territories, and several other countries, with the Hague determinations (page 89, see image).

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Determinations of Hague Convention

Volume 1 of the commemorative book begins with several pages of formal nods to the Imperial Family and the government, and to the bureaucracy that oversaw the census. But it quickly gets serious, and by the end it becomes clear that Japanese census scholars and bureaucrats have left no stone unturned in their studies of population censuses in all major countries in the world. The history of censuses in the United States gets more space than any other country. The machinations of the International Statistical Congress convened in The Hague in 1872 also gets considerable attention, as it produced the census standards that all countries were supposed to adhere to in order to facilitate comparisons.

The compilers of Volume 1 created a table showing census categories from a number of countries, beginning with the determinations of the Hague convention and Japan's several territories. The table (page 89) shows census items by country, for 22 items and 7 countries including Japan, which is broken down into 6 territories.

The 22 items -- meaning the particulars that a census is supposed to enumerate -- begin with the 12 "Hague Convention Determinations" (Bankoku Kaigi no ketsugi 萬國會議ノ決議), which are marked by an "X" in column 1. Japan's 6 territories are shown in columms 2-7 as follows.

Japan Interior (Nihon Naichi 日本内地)
Taiwan (Taiwan 台湾)
Karafuto (Karafuto 樺太)
Tsingtao (Chintao, Seitō 青島 PY Qingdao)
Kwantung Province (Kantōshū 關東州 Kwantung Leased Territory)
South Sea Islands (Nan'yo Shotō 南洋諸島)

Column 8 relates to "Japanese residing in sundry foreign countries.

Columns 9-13 show the other 6 countries -- England (Igirisu), United States of America (Hokubei Gōshū Koku), France (Furansu), Germany (Doitsu), and Austria (Ousutoria).

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12 essential items

The 1872 International Statistical Congress determined that some information required by the census is "essential" while other information is "discretional". The "essential" 12 items of information, as reported by Samuel Brown in an 1872 journal article, and the 12 items shown in the table, are as follows.

The Hague items in bold are as received (Brown 1872, page 444), except that I have listed them with numbers rather than alphabetic letters. The Japanese items are my structural translations from the table (1920 Census Commemorative Committee, page 89).

  1. Name and christian name.
    Family name, personal name
    shimei 氏名
  2. Sex.
    Physicality
    taisei 体性
    1. The 1920 census used "danjo no betsu" (男女の別).
      The 2020 census also used "danjo no betsu" (男女の別).
      "danjo-betsu jinkō" (男女別人口) ["population by male and female"] is more common than "seibetsu jinkō" (性別人口) ["population by sex"]. However, "seibetsu" (性別) or just "sei" (性) are more common terms for "Sex" or "Gender" on forms because of their brevity. They are also less "binary" on that don't specify "dan" (男) and "jo" (女) as choices.
    2. "taisei" (体性) was an early reference to the "sex" (sei 性) of a "body" (tai 体). As a suffix, "-sei" (〜性) denotes the "nature" or "quality" of something as in "-ity" or "-ment" or "-ness" and the like in English. With "tai" (体) or "body", "sei" (性) alluded to the most distinct anatomical-cum-physiological "quality" of the body, which makes a body "male" or "female". As a prefix, "sei-" (性〜) may also mean quality, as in the compound "seishitsu" (性質), in which both elements signify the "quality" or "character" of something as opposed to its "quantity" or "mass". But "sei-" also came to be used as the usual prefix for "sex" in expressions like "seihi" (性比) for "sex ratio" in demographic statistics -- "sei-teki" (性的) for "sexual" -- and "seikō" (性交) for "sexual mating" or "coitus" or "intercourse" -- among numerous other terms today.
  3. Age.
    Age
    nenrei 年齢
  4. Relation to the head of the family and the household.
    Status in the household
    setai ni okeru chii 世帯ニ於ケル地位
  5. Civil state or conjugal condition.
    Marital status
    haigū kankei 配偶関係
  6. Profession or occupation.
    Occupation and occupational status
    shokugyō oyobi shokugyō-jō no chii 職業及ビ職業上ノ地位
  7. Religious profession.
    Religion
    shūkyō 宗教
  8. Language spoken.
    Usually used language
    jōyōgo 常用語
  9. Knowledge of reading and writing.
    Knowledge of reading and writing
    yomikaki no chishiki 読書ノ知識
  10. Origin, place of birth, and nationality.
    Place of origin, place of birth, nationality
    shusshinchi, shusseichi, kokuseki 出身地、出生地、国籍
    1. "kokuseki" (国籍) in Japanese corrsponds to "nationality" in the English terminology as of 1920. However, there was no "kokuseki" in Japanese usage in 1872. And it is not clear that "kokuseki" reflects the sense that "nationality" was used in the Hague determinations. Brown refers to "nationality" in two related statements on the same pages (448) -- "in a mixed population the nationality of the mother" should be given -- and "In mixed marriages the religious faith and nationality of the parties" should be given. At the time (as at times today, such as when a typically American asks someone their "nationality"), "nationality" was commonly used to refer to a "racioethnic" quality that could be "race" in its broadest sense and "ethnicity" in its "ethnonational" sense.
  11. Usual residence, and nature of residence, in the place where the census is taken.
    Place of usual residence and character of place of census
    jōjū-chi oyobi chōsa-chi no seishitsu 常住地及ビ調査地ノ性質
  12. Whether blind, deaf aud dumb, cretin, idiot, or of unsound mind.
    Disabled
    fugu 不具 "incomplete"

Japan shares 6 of 12 essential items

Of the 12 "essential" categories, only 6 are found on censuses in all territories of Japan -- name, sex, age, status in household, marital status, and places of origin and birth and nationality.

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9 discretional items


  1. military duty related
    heieki kankei 兵役關係
    1. This item is checked only for the Interior.
      At the time, only eligible male subjects and nationals in Interior registers were subject to military conscription.

  2. years passed in marriage
    kon'in keika nensū 婚姻經過年數

  3. number of children
    jidō no kazu 兒童ノ數

  4. number of rooms
    shitsu-sū 室數

  5. scale of enterprise
    kigyō no kibo 企業ノ規模

  6. unemployed ["occupation lost"]
    shitsugyō 失業

  7. land home ownership
    tochi kaoku shoyūken 土地家屋所有權

  8. race ["variety of person"]
    jinshu 人種
    1. This item is checked for all territories of Japan except Naichi.

  9. year of arrival ["crossing and coming"]
    torai no toshi 渡來ノ年
    1. This item is checked only for Taiwan, Karafuto, and Kwangtung Province.
      It is not checked for Naichi, Tsingtao, or South Sea Islands.

"race" and "year of arrival"

Note that item 13 is checked neither of the last 2 items on the list -- "race" (jinshu 人種) and "year of arrival" (torai no toshi 渡来の年) -- are not checked"race" and "year of arrival"
The 2 items next to last item on the list are "race" . Note that both are checked "X" for Taiwan, Karafuto, Kwantung Province, and the United States, while only "race" is checked for Tsingtao South Seas Islands. "Race" by one or another name had been a category on U.S. censuses since the first federal census in 1790. One or another concept of "race" had been a category in territories Japan acquired from other countries -- except Chōsen, which is not shown in the table for unstated reasons. Brown refers to "race" in only 2 other contexts, on the same page (441) -- "The vast part of the Empire [of Russia] is peopled with one and the same race. of the same religion . . ." -- and "On the other hand, by the great variety of its [Russia's] climate and territory, plains and mountains, steppes and forests, with tribes of every race and different religions . . . ." My impression is that "race" is being used in its broader anthropological sense that came to be called "minzoku" (民族) in Sino-Japanese, the word that came to be used to translate both "nation" and "race" and "people" in their racioethnic senses -- not "race" in the narrower "Color or race" sense that it has been used on censues in the United States, where "race" is usually associated with physical traits like skin color. The term for "race" on Chinese population records taken over by Japan was "shuzoku" (種族), which is close to "race" in the sense of "tribes" and other lineage groups, rather than "race" in its narrower geogrphical "color" sense.

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"Minseki" and "kokuseki" on census forms

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Commemorative postcards

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Commemorative stamps

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Sources

The above presentation draws mainly from the commemorative publication itself, but the following sources are also useful.

Brown 1872

Samuel Brown
Report on the Eighth International Statistical Congress, Held at St. Petersburg, 22nd/10th August to 29th/17th, 1872
Journal of the Statistical Society of London
December 1872, Volume 35, Number 4
Pages 431-457
Published for the Royal Statistical Society by Wiley
pdf file downloaded from JSTOR

Randeraad 2011

Nico Randeraad
Maastricht University, the Netherlands
The International Statistical Congress (1853-1876):
Knowledge Transfers and their Limits
European History Quarterly
Volume 41, Number 1 (2011)
Pages 50-65
Published by Sage Journals
pdf file downloaded from ResearchGate

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